Few remember the immense brutality and the inhumanity of the systems which are part of our recent history. Few remember the terror and mass murder of the Stalin years. But President Vladimir Putin, massively reelected in Russia, has similar tactics and similar objectives to those of Joseph Stalin.

First, Putin’s strategy is to secure his own position in Russia by discrediting the democratic model in the West. In order to achieve his objectives he has set about supporting nationalist and illiberal politicians in the West. The election of Donald Trump and the 35 per cent score for Marine Lepen in the French presidential election bear witness to the effectiveness of his strategy.

In Germany, home to one of the most brutal and abject periods of political totalitarianism of the twentieth century, the AFD is now the official opposition to Angela Merkel’s coalition government. Sigmar Gabriel, the former German SPD leader, describes the AFD as Nazis. Austria, The Netherlands, Belgium, not to mention the UK, all show very worrying signs of a new wave of authoritarianism - a precursor of totalitarianism. Does this suggest that the West could go the way of Russia? I would like to think not; but recent opinion polls show that there is a marked rise in the growth of support for the idea of military rule in countries like the UK and Germany, and that this is especially strong amongst young voters. Incidentally it is also apparent in India, the world’s largest democracy, from where I have just returned.

So why am I so worried?

My belief is that we are experiencing a new catastrophe - the failure of human memory to take into account its own collective failings of the recent past and their appalling consequences. All who have any interest or responsibility in education in its broadest sense must surely be concerned about our current collective amnesia. But there seems to be no debate. It should seem obvious to everybody that we are living through a resurgence of fundamentalism and that this seems to be occurring across the planet. Of course the nature differs from place to place; but the widespread nature of the phenomenon massively increases the risks. The parallels between Nazism and the old Soviet ideology, now readapted by Putin, have always been a taboo subject especially with the liberal intelligentsia. This also adds to the danger.

The Liberal Elite

Why do we not just ignore Russia? - it has always been a backward exception. We cannot do this because the democratic system in the United States is itself under threat. This is part of the global crisis in democracy witnessed by the growth of totalitarian governments. It would seem possible, perhaps probable, that American democracy will die unless the racial issues and economic inequalities and injustices that led to the election of Donald Trump are resolved. As I argued in my previous article last October these are critical threats to liberal democracy.

One of the difficult problems we must confront is the nature of liberal democracy itself; and more importantly the character and intolerance of many of those who are its strongest advocates. The ‘man in the street’ is rarely listened to, and often a source of paternalist contempt to the liberal elite. The “we-know-best” attitude prevails strongly. In reality the liberal elite often have little time for democracy when it conflicts with their own liberal values. Class solidarity is fine as long as the working classes go along with us!

Here we have another major problem of education: not of the disadvantaged or the working class for which we hear so much discussion, but for the elite themselves. Why are they so out of touch? Why are they so sure of themselves? Why do they persist in their arrogance, when their undoubting commitment to open-ended internationalism is one of the causes of the new nationalism which is threatening democracy and risks to sink liberal and social democratic economic practices for good? The liberal elite has not moved seriously against the new capitalism of the West, and of China. Nor has it addressed the new culture of hedonistic individualism that it generates. Look at Facebook or Uber for two obvious examples of uncreative destruction that public policy has failed to address.

Educating the elite

So we must turn our attention to the education of the elite. A greater part of their education must involve practical learning and hands-on experience. Before any professional employment all graduates must be involved in active community service for a reasonably long period of time. All public servants and those involved in public policy should be encouraged to immerse themselves in everyday life. I once suggested that all international civil servants should be given the task of walking 3,000 miles on foot during one year and allowed only £5,000 pounds each to support themselves. Their diaries would be central to their recruitment in key jobs. We need a major discussion on how elite education can help create a sense of collective responsibility; we need to encourage a new sense of observing practical situations and behaviour. We need to find a route towards a new humanism which encourages mutual respect but which does not deny the individual.

The old media at risk

Journalism and the media have added to the anxiety which challenges faith in public institutions and political leaders. Journalists have an annoying tendency to perceive excitement and conflict where they often do not exist. All news services seem prone to the same problem. The community of professional journalists have not all served the 4^th estate well in recent years. Rather than educate and explain they seek to provoke and excite. This is not helpful. Those responsible for the education of media and journalist professionals in our universities have a large responsibility to train the future generations of communications professionals in ways which help society to understand complexity rather than be made anxious by it.

In the end the excessive behaviour of journalists will probably result only in still less public interest in newspapers, radio and television. The statistics on the decline in reading and listening to the press as well as the financial crisis of the sector tend to indicate that this is already the case.

Stalin always insisted that ideological strength mattered more than military force. He often talked to his propaganda army about becoming engineers of human souls. The propaganda of the Soviet era bears witness: an empire portrayed as a paradise whilst millions died in the concentration camps of Siberia. This should worry us as we get deeper into the world of manipulative technologies and computer-assisted propaganda. Internet is immensely powerful.  We already see how it is being used by modern-day dictators, terrorists and corrupt States. The recent Cambridge Analytica scandal with Facebook looks like a modern-day chapter from Stalin era propaganda. It is not surprising that Russia and China have tried to close access to their information infrastructures against outside interests. They understand its value in the new world of information warfare which is sweeping the planet.

Can we recover civic education for a civil society?

It has never been easier to feed us lies and to manipulate our understanding and perception of issues and of others. This augurs badly for the future of democracy. Once again it poses major questions for all concerned with education. How do we educate our societies to doubt without being fearful; to be cautious without being paralysed; to enquire without being naïve? How do we create an education system which helps individuals to see their role as something larger than their direct or immediate interest, and to grasp that collective action and collective security is one of the keys to individual freedom and democracy?