I have recently returned from an enjoyable, if rather windswept seasonal break on the coast of the north west Highlands in Scotland. The place we were staying was in a small crofting community at the end of a twisting and hilly single rack road, some 10 miles or so from the nearest village with some shops and public services such as a school, health services, a community centre (and a golf course by the beach).

In the summer months, the village is popular with visitors and tourists: there are hotels, eating places, a campsite and caravan park and recreation facilities for outdoor sports and hill walking. It is on the popular North Coast 500 road trip route. It boasts a bank and a petrol station. In the winter, although there were still some visitors, most of the tourist facilities were closed as local residents went about their day-to-day business.

The village supports people living in small, scattered crofting communities spread over a wide area. They lie in patches of flatter land with possibilities for small-scale farming, amongst impressive mountains, rocky moorland and extensive lochs. Most of these communities are close to the coast and reached by winding roads along the sides of sea lochs. Just about everything those living in these small clusters of crofts need, from agricultural supplies, shopping, mail-order deliveries, the school bus and emergency services have to pass along these small roads. It seemed that this limited infrastructure is just about sufficient for local living and the local agricultural and fishing industries, but much less so in the busier tourist season with the invasion of motorhomes, bikers and car traffic which can choke the roads, making life awkward for locals and visitors alike.

The roads are narrow and often poorly maintained, and seem to have seen very little improvement in many years, prompting questions about why there is so little change in basic infrastructure provision in these areas. It is almost as if there is a view that ‘if you will live in these areas, what do you expect?’ It is the remoteness, the difficult terrain and the limited access and basic public services which define the place after all. Do local authorities and central government reflect this view in their decision-making and resource allocation?

Differing interpretations of identity and attachment

In regions such as the north-west of Scotland, there are likely to be different interpretations of place identity amongst groups resident within and outwith the region, and local authorities and central government. The diverse range of occupations across the region reflect both traditional and modern occupations. Towards the traditional end are occupations such as crofting, fishing and forestry. Crafting and artisan occupations based on traditional skills also contribute to the local economy. Like most regions there is employment in education, healthcare and local government administration, and more recently, innovative occupations involved in renewable energy and environmental improvement. The landscape and cultural heritage of the region is leading to opportunities in hospitality, guiding and related services.

At the risk of over-simplifying I suggest that there a number of broad social groups in these areas which may hold different notions of place identity and attachment to the locality. These groups might be characterized as below.

The crofters

Over 750,000 hectares of land are under crofting tenure in Scotland. According to a recent report, most crofters in the Scottish Highlands have been involved in crofting for 20 years or more. Their age profile tends to be older than that of the general population. A recent survey showed that almost half of crofters (45%) are aged 65 or over compared with around 19% in the Scottish population as a whole. Only 3% of crofters are aged under 35. Crofters tend to live in smaller households, with some 69% living in 1 or 2-person households.

The report published by the Scottish Government suggests that overall crofters are hopeful about the future but recognize challenges and adaptations which need to be made if crofting is to remain viable and relevant in today’s conditions. They see a need for the crofting laws to be modernized to increase flexibility in order to ensure the sustainability of crofting businesses and their contribution to the local economy. There are claims too that more needs to be done to make crofting more accessible to young people and to support new crofters in establishing their businesses.

The homecomers

Many younger people growing up in the Highlands leave the area in search of different opportunities elsewhere. Later in life, however, many return typically citing a number of reasons for doing so. These include a strong sense of community and family ties, the slower pace of life after more hectic times in cities and other urban settings, a desire to re-connect with their cultural heritage and traditional events, and also to share in growing opportunities in sectors like tourism, renewable energy and environmental sustainability, or, as broadband availability improves, in remote working.

The incomers

The west coast communities also attract people who have no previous connections with the area. They may be professional people working in public services seeking opportunities outside the normal service context, or people looking for a new lifestyle in a very different environment, culture and community. To do so is becoming more feasible as improvements are made (slowly) to digital connectivity and new business and employment opportunities open up in ‘greener’ industries. Some incomers come for their retirement. Others buy second homes which are occupied for limited time during the year, a phenomenon which inflates property prices beyond the means of many local people. Some incomers are keen to engage with the community and may bring skills which otherwise would not be available in the area.

Tourists

Vital to the local economy in terms of income and employment are the many tourists who visit the region every year to experience the stunning scenery, enjoy outdoor activities walking in the hills or sailing and surfing, or discovering something of the local cultural heritage. The region has been heavily promoted by public agency Visit Scotland with such initiatives as the North Coast 500 which is estimated to have brought an additional 29,00 visitors to the Highlands in its first year (2015) and increasing numbers each year since. It has resulted in an increase in traffic of at least 10% in its early years, and probably much more in the most popular summer season, and an increase to providers of accommodation of some 20% or more.

The outsiders

I use this term to refer to those outside the local communities in government and public administration who nevertheless, because of their influence on policy and its delivery, will significantly affect the nature and pace of change. They may well have notions of place identity drawn from broader cultural stereotypes or a romanticized notion not directly reflecting or understanding the day-to-day realities of the lived-experience in these communities. (This may be unfair to those who have left these areas to pursue careers in the public sector elsewhere.)

Profiles of place identity

These groups within the local population have different starting points and basis for their identity with and attachment to the place in which they now live.

Understandings and definitions of place identity and place attachment vary widely. However, in a literature review by Droseltis and Vignoles they distinguish four major conceptualizations which are relevant here. These are:

· The notion of the ‘extended self’ where places are experienced cognitively as part of the self;

· The notion of the ‘ecological self’ or environmental identity in which people feel ‘rooted’ and have a subjective sense of fitting in to their physical environment;

· The notion of ‘self-congruity’ between self and place, in which the idea of place matches the values and personality of the individual; and

· The notion of place attachment in which emotional links to places act to produce strong people-place bonding.

Whilst it is the case that each of these ideas is hotly debated in the literature and definitive research is scant, these conceptions do provide a useful framework to consider the profiles of place identity which the above groups may hold. It is tempting to speculate each group will have a different profile in the way they typically respond to their chosen place. Whilst each group will no doubt form a place identity with some elements drawn from each of the above aspects of place identity, it might be hypothesized that crofters, for example, would likely stress place as an extension of self, homecomers might stress the environmental aspect, whilst incomers might be seeking self-congruity between self and place. Even tourists may experience an emotional link to the places they visit.

Aspirations for change

But however they perceive their connection with the area there are pressures for change, some generated from within the communities, some from wider local and central government policies.

There have been several studies with a focus on the attitudes and aspirations of people living in the region, particularly those amongst younger people. These studies highlight the opportunities and challenges perceived by people living in the region to ensure their continued engagement with the region.

There seems to be broad agreement that the development priorities relate to:

· Infrastructure improvements including roads, bridges and public transport;

· Affordable housing;

· Economic development through promoting local businesses and industries including tourism, agriculture and renewable energy;

· Digital connectivity, especially reliable high-speed broadband; and

· Community facilities to enhance social and cultural life in the region.

Highland Regional Council has strategic outcomes and budgetary strategies to allocate resources for the achievement of its strategic goals. The strategic goals include economic growth, community well-being, environmental sustainability and more. There is a Community Planning Partnership as required under the Community Empowerment Act of 2015 to bring together public agencies and key community groups. In many respects, these goals reflect the expressed aspirations of local people in the remoter parts of the West Highlands.

Expectations of change

But it remains the case that progress is slow in the delivery of change especially on the west coast. Highland Council is in an unenviable position when distributing its limited resources for infrastructure development as it seeks to reconcile demands from large new projects such as the largely Government-funded Inverness and Cromarty Firth Green Freeport and secure significant benefits from the city deal finance it has received from central government for a Northern Innovation Hub and other economic development infrastructure in Inverness and its surrounding area, with the demands from the more sparse west coast areas.

Major projects such as these require infrastructure to support them. However a recent report by Biggar Economics for the Crofting Commission suggests that the contribution of crofting to the economic and social life of the region is overlooked and misunderstood. The report makes clear that crofting is much more than a unique type of tenancy or land-use. At £588m annual gross value added its contribution to the Scottish economy and support of over 30,00 jobs represents a huge and underestimated contribution from such a small part of Scotland’s population. The report estimates that for every £1 of direct economic impact, crofting generates £19 in indirect benefits.

More than this, for most crofters, crofting is not their only job. Many crofters also work in their community, in schools, as health workers, tradesmen and women, without whom the local community could not survive. They are part of the mosaic of employment in these communities and central to its way of life, providing a focus and meaning to their communities

The social and environmental benefits are shown to be substantial too. The report claims there is a unique identity within crofting communities which brings people together to initiate moves towards environmental enhancement, improved biodiversity and renewable energy and tourism. The report urges steps should be taken to protect crofting through future proofing new legislation to attract new entrants and sustain thriving businesses.

Is place identity and attachment inhibiting change?

It seems there is evidence in the research literature which suggests that strong place identity can on occasion hold back social change. A strong attachment to place can lead to resistance to changes that might alter the physical or social characteristics of the environment. Whilst a strong place identity can provide stability and a sense of belonging it can also act as a barrier to change, reinforcing existing structures and limiting exposure to new ideas.

That however does not seem to be the case here: the reports referred to above show that there is a push for change from within the community to help sustain the communities and their way of life. Place identity remains strong. It is interesting that the policy changes sought are mainly to do with the legal framework governing crofting which is seen as too inflexible and thereby restricting innovation and improvement in the ways land, and especially common grazing land, can be used. The transport infrastructure, and particularly the state of the roads is maybe more of a concern to groups other than the crofters; the incomers, the visitors and those providing accommodation and recreational services who might have a different experience of place and expectations of it.

For Highland Council it may be just a question of economics and getting the best return from its limited resources for the region as a whole, putting the crofting communities, despite their not insignificant economic value, and unique identity lower in their priorities.